Random Thoughts on Robin Hood: Part Four - Which King?

In part one I looked at the location, and in part two I covered some of the candidates. In three I highlighted someone who almost counts as a possible Robin Hood, but may also be the origin behind Will Scarlett. In the next blog I’ll name names, and say who I think is behind the Robin Hood myth. But today I’m going to look at the Kings associated with the legend. 

We have a pretty firm idea of the Robin Hood story set in our minds now. A crusader returning ahead of Richard, to find his lands usurped and his people being oppressed by Prince John and/or the Sheriff of Nottingham. The story ends when Robin defeats the Sheriff and Richards returns to restore order. For most modern retellings this is the basic template. Some stick firmly to this outline, whereas others aim to subvert it, but they’re all telling the story with this version in mind. Nathan Makaryk’s recent novel Nottingham used this setting, and all the familiar names, as a way to give readers something to hold onto while he subverted the tropes.

Richard, John, and the crusades were not mentioned anywhere in the earliest ballads. 

Playwright Anthony Munday incorporated them into two plays based on the legend in the late 1500’s, and historian Joseph Ritson later used this as his framework to create a biography of the ‘real’ Robin Hood. The idea of Richard returning home to save the day seems to owe most of its popularity to Walter Scott’s novel Ivanhoe. 

William Shakespeare wrote about King John in one of his (generally lesser regarded) plays. Shakespeare and Munday were contemporaries, and I would suggest the complete absence of Robin Hood from Shakespeare’s play is a strong indication that Robin and John were not linked at all before this era. The only King mentioned in any of the early poems and ballads was Edward.

But could any of the story be true? Was Richard a hero fighting in the crusades? Was John a tyrant? Did the Sheriff of Nottingham help John oppress people? The truth, as with all medieval history, is sorta yes and sorta no

With the caveat that both Richard and John were Kings at a time when Kings did awful things, and that both of them have blood on their hands and would be considered antisemitic and Islamophobic by any reasonable metric, we could also argue that history has been generous to Richard and cruel to John. Richard was an absentee King. He barely ever set foot in England and used the Kingdom mainly as a source of income to fund his holy wars. The wars themselves were, as you can imagine, full of massacres and cruelty. He gained the throne by plotting against his father and spent much of his time trying to find ways to keep his brother, John, from doing the same to him. He was later captured and held to ransom in Austria, and the money to free him was raised through a tax on the barons (and in turn, the landowners) of England. 

John used this time to plot against his brother, gaining some support among the unhappy barons. This ultimately led to a mini-civil war, when John seized control of the country, with loyalty across the land split between the two brothers. Richard returned to England to reclaim his throne, and the split ended with a siege at Nottingham Castle, with John and his loyalists inside, and Richard and his own army outside. So anyone looking to set a Robin Hood story during the usual decade of the 1190’s would be wise to look at the siege of Nottingham Castle and the brief return of Richard. Lauren Johnson does this to good effect in The Arrow of Sherwood.

Richard died in 1199, while away on another war, and John finally ascended to the crown. His own reign started off well enough. With an older brother who spent all his time seeking fame and glory on the battle fields, John had grown up much more focused on finer detail. He had been tutored extensively in law and history, and he used the early years of his reign as a time to reform the administrative systems of England. He travelled constantly, using the various royal castles as his stopping points, and held courts up and down the land, hearing the complaints of his people. Our historical records begin to become far more detailed around this time, and that’s largely down to the work of King John. However, his couldn’t escape his own weaknesses, and his time as King is largely a story of a man who couldn’t get out of his own way. Desperate to have the same strong reputation as his brother, he waged disastrous wars in France and managed to lose most of the empire that his family had spent decades building up. He began making extreme financial demands on the barons to cover the expenses of his mistakes, and slowly turned them all against him, leading to the first version of Magna Carta. He became so unpopular towards the end that many of the northern barons invited the King of France to invade and, for a time in his final year, he was at war with both the north and south, with the southern third of England now occupied French territory. The front line of these wars, in both directions, was…of course…Nottingham Castle. (And I should also mention that, while I do argue John deserves a little more credit than we give him, he was also directly responsible for starving a mother and child to death, and quite possibly ordered the murder of his teenaged nephew.) Any authors looking to set a Robin Hood story in a timeframe that feels both familiar and slightly different could look at this time, the end of John’s reign and the various wars and uprisings. Ridley Scott attempted to do a little of that in his 2010 film, by stealing the feeling of this time, but moving it back to the turn of the century. His version is set in 1199 and takes us from the death of Richard through a baron’s rebellion against John, the signing of a great charter, and an attempted French invasion. The film tries to condense around 15 years of genuine history into a few weeks of story, framed around the figure of Russel Crowe’s Robin Hood. It doesn’t entirely work, but I think the film is due a critical reappraisal as one of the better screen versions of the legend. 

John’s son, Henry, inherited the throne while still a child. Once he reached adulthood, he issued a new version of Magna Carta as a PR move, to shore up support, though he rarely stuck to any of its principles. He spent much of his reign attempting to seize power back from the barons, which led to two civil wars. The second of which is where we may find the real Robin Hood. Depending on your view, the protagonist or antagonist of this second uprising was Simon de Montfort, a French knight who settled in England and became a very close friend of Henry, before eventually falling out with him and leading an armed rebellion against the crown in the 1260’s. The country was split in two, with a great many earls and barons throwing in their support behind de Montford. For a little over a year in 1265 de Montfort was the de-factor ruler of England, after defeating Henry at the Battle of Lewes and forcing him to accept the control of a government. Because of this, de Montford is often called the ‘father of parliament’ and presented as a hero for English democracy. But it would be more accurate to think of him as the ‘father of the House of Lords,’ because his vision of government didn’t include anyone we would consider ‘common,’ and he had no intention of sharing power with anyone lower down the social ladder than himself and his friends. This is always worth bearing in mind whenever anyone attempts to romanticise Magna Carta for political reasons. None of these fights or charters were about us. They were squabbles amongst the ruling class. 

The King’s son, Edward, (later of Braveheart fame) led a royalist campaign against de Montfort that culminated in the battle of Evesham, at which de Montfort was defeated and hacked to pieces, and the crown reasserted it’s authority, albeit with concessions to many of the ideas the de Montfordians had fought for. All of the barons and earls who had rebelled against the king were disinherited. They had their titles and lands stripped and were forced to agree to pay crippling fines to earn them back. Some agreed to this humiliation, others didn’t, and, in a period lasting loosely from 1266 to 1274, the disinherited continued to wage a guerrilla war against the crown, with rolling disturbances and uprisings happening across England. Prince Edward, and his most trusted men, regularly led armies into the forests and marshes of England to suppress the insurrections.

 And it’s in this period that I believe we find the real Robin Hood. Not as a noble thief who robbed from the rich to give to the poor, but as an outlaw among the disinherited, continuing to wage a war against the King. Although de Montford’s rebellion was a fight between different members of the elite, there were still a great number of common people involved. Firstly, there were the landowners and freemen who owed loyalty to their lords and took up arms in support of the cause. Secondly, as with any time those at the top have tried to lead a mass movement, there were a great many ‘normal folk’ who were convinced that this was also about handing power to them. And this is where I think some of Robin Hood’s noble intentions are rooted. Not just in the gentrification of later centuries, but in the idea that, at the time, normal people of England were being told that the disinherited were fighting for them.

 He’s not the Messiah, he’s a very naughty boy.

And in my next post I’ll get into just how naughty he really was. 

Random Thoughts on Robin Hood: Part Three - The Nearly (Hooded) Man

This is part three in a (probably five-part) series covering my research into the identity of the real Robin Hood. In Part One I looked at location, and Part Two I listed the main contenders. Today I’m going to briefly mention a nearly man. One more strong contender. Someone who cropped up fresh (to me) in the last few weeks, and appears to fit many of the criteria, but remains ruled out for one specific reason.

Right Name/Wrong Name.

A Yorkshire Knight by the name of Robert de Twenge/Thweng rebelled against the authorities in 1232. He raised a dispute with the Prior of Gisborough (sounds pretty close to Gisburne/Gisbourne, right?) which seems to have revolved around the Prior muscling in on the territory of the parish at Kirkleathem (sounds a lot like Kirklees, where Robin was said to have died) while Robert’s father-in-law was ill.

Robert’s wife, but the way? Named Matilda. One of the names usually linked to the proto-Marian.

The dispute grew larger, with it being said that Robert took issue with the local parishes being controlled by foreign figures sent by the Pope. He began raiding churches that were held by these foreign clergymen, and is said to have distributed the proceeds to the poor in nearby areas.

So far, so Robin Hood, right? Robin in all of the earliest stories appears to be devoutly religious, but also angered by the apparent corruptions of the clergy. His disputes seem to be just as much with abbots than with the sheriff, and ultimately he seems loyal to the crown.

Robert de Thweng was excommunicated for his rebellion, but King Henry supported his case in a letter to Pope Gregory IX, and the Knight was forgiven and returned to favour. Not much is known about the remaining years of his life, but he appears to have gone on crusade in 1240 (so after his ‘outlaw’ career rather than before it) and may have sided with the King during a later rebellion (of which I’ll be talking in more detail in a later blog.)

So, to recap: His name was Robert. He rebelled against the corruption of the church, but was ultimately a believer who sought forgiveness from the Pope. He was married to a woman named Matilda. He was pardoned by the King and returned to royal favour. And he was active in Yorkshire.

So….case closed?

At this point I say not. Although I think there’s a very strong case for him. Almost persuasive. In many ways, he ticks more boxes on his own than the man I’m going to name later. But…

Robert is known to have operated under an alias. His ‘criminal’ career was done under the name “William the Angry.” And since we know of Robert’s existence and activities, and know of the alias he used, I think that if he operated under the name Robin Hood we would already know it. The fact that we know so much about him, and yet never hear the name Robin Hood in his biography, seems to suggest to me that we need to rule him out.

In addition, I have yet to find any mentions linking him with either Nottingham or Sherwood, nor any suggestion that he was hunted by the Sheriff of Nottingham. If a strong link emerges to any of these elements, or to Barnsdale, then I think we need to reassess. But for now, this isn’t our man. He’s just a very tempting distraction. But if you were looking for a real-life contender to base your novel on, I think you could do a lot worse than use Robert de Thweng.

And to keep going my mini-tradition of idle speculation in these posts…could William the Angry be the origin of Will Scarlett, by way of anger being red?

Random Thoughts on Robin Hood: Part Two - What's in a name?

 

 This is part two of my short series looking at the research I’ve done into the identity of the real Robin Hood. My previous post suggested a different location. Today I’m looking at names.

 

 Did Robin Hood ever really exist?

Researching the subject is largely a game of deciding which aspect of the story you can’t let go of. Which element is most important to you? Is it the name? Is it the location? Is it the time period? Is it the events? Each one of these becomes a hill for someone to die on.  We will never find all of them together in one person, because there have been too many evolutions and alterations to the myth. So which one do you want to focus your research on?

You might find someone with the right name, but they’re a century too early or late. You might find records of criminals activities in the right area, but none of them are linked to the name Robin Hood. You might find all of the right events happening, and even in the right place, but other details will be off. 

One of the clearest divides is between two very different versions of the character. One, the Robin Hood of the two earliest poems and the ballad, is of a violent criminal, a yeoman outlaw. The other is a more gentrified version, of a noble who has his lands taken away by a king, prince, or sheriff. The latter version has come to dominate, and most of the screen adaptations give us some variation of Robin of Loxley, or Robert Earl of Huntingdon, returning crusader who loses his lands and takes to the greenwood, robbing from the rich to give to the poor. 

The outlawed yeoman didn’t seem to have such a problem keeping the money he stole. These stories show he could be capable of great kindness, and was religious, but seemed to hate systemic corruption and thought nothing of killing (and beheading or skinning) anyone who got in his way. 

  The Earl of Huntingdon/Huntinton version seems to date back no further than the 1500’s, as does the setting of the story in the 1190’s. Scottish writer John Major placed Robin Hood during the reign of King Richard, in his 1521 work Majoris Brittannie, and playwright Anthony Munday introduced the Huntingdon aspect into the official cannon with with plays in the 1590’s. Walter Scott’s Ivanhoe later ran with these ideas, and from there the story was set. But before Major, the only King named in any (surviving) tale was Edward, with no number to tell us which one. 

In truth, I think it helps to see Robin Hood as crime fiction. In any era, we seem to love to root for the rogues and criminals. Sometimes they deserve it, sometimes they don’t. How often does the media choose to present us with documentaries, films, and news reports that humanise serial killers and abusers, but ignore victims? In more recent times, especially in the UK, the crime fiction market has been dominated more by establishment heroes. Rogue cops with hearts of gold, investigative journalists, gentleman sleuths. People who safely put the status quo back together again at the end. And even the modern version of Robin Hood presents us with a story where the good king returns at the end and everything goes back to normal. But beneath the surface of our popular imagination has always been the desire to excite and entertain ourselves by letting the darkness loose in our minds. So I have no issue accepting that the Robin Hood of early stories wasn’t a safe and noble outlaw, and in turn, the person who inspired the tale, if he exists, shouldn’t be expected to be a saint. The most accurate novel I could write would probably feature Robin as, at best, an amoral criminal, and at most realistic, a bloodthirsty killer. And this reality is an issue I’ll return to in a later post when I name my candidate. 

For people who see the name as the most important qualifier, researching Robin Hood has become a game of looking through old scrolls, court documents and parish records, and seeking out any and every variation on Robin, Robyn, Robert, Hob, Hod, Hood, and Hode. And there is no shortage of them. Robert is one of the most common names of medieval England, and Hod/Hode wasn’t uncommon. But once you’ve found a name, you’re still filling in the blanks with guesswork. 

This approach gives us a Robertus Hod/HobeHood in Yorkshire in the 1220’s, who some people believe to also be Robert of Wetherby, a criminal who was hunted down an executed. It gives us Robert Hode of Wakefield, from a century later in the 1320’s, who was married to a woman named Mathilda, and was outlawed for a time. A short while later there is also record of a Robyn Hod working for the king, and there’s an easy temptation to combine these two people into one, and see it compares to the narrative presented in the ballad. There was a Robin Hood imprisoned in Rockingham Castle in the 1350’s. 

The name ‘Robin Hood’ was used a few times over the following centuries, linked to any time a group of peasants rose up or formed criminal gangs. I think the enduring nature of the myth also speaks to certain national characteristics that have endured through the centuries. From the yeoman outlaw who hated corruption, right up to a populace that voted Brexit over the idea that the system was broken and ‘normal people’ were being lied to. There is something ingrained almost in a sense of Englishness -regardless of where you came from, originally, and where you sit on the political spectrum- to think someone in authority is screwing you over, but to not really know who to blame or how to define it, and yet to still also want to see the good King come back at the end and put everything right again. Twas ever thus, we love authority and we hate hate authority, and Robin Hood is the ultimate avatar of this contradiction. And in this we see the great problem of trying to find any truth behind the myth. Robin Hood became what people needed him to be. Regardless of what the original man intended, he was turned into a symbol, a hero for anyone who felt dispossessed, or wanted to take up arms. The patron saint of outlaws, and those who wanted to see themselves as outlaws. The Robin Hood we know today never existed, he’s a fiction 700 years in the making. But was there a story behind it all? 

If we spin the clock further back than the Yorkshire fugitive, we also find a Robert Fitz Ode, a knight of Loxley in the 1190’s. This was a different Loxley to either of the ones I mentioned in my previous post, this time we’re looking in Warwickshire, just down the road from Stratford. This Fitz Ode seems to stop being a knight around 1198, but that is all we know, and the researchers who turn this into a claim he was disinherited are simply seeing what they want to see. 

  Or you can ignore the name, and say it’s the actions that matter, and point to Wilikin of the Weald, a soldier who led a guerrilla war against French invaders in the Forest of the Weald, during the final years of John’s reign. You can find Roger Godberd, an outlaw of the 1260’s and 70’s, who was pardoned before returning to a life of crime, escaped at least once from Nottingham Castle, and was known to have operated out of Sherwood and Charnwood. 

  You can try and narrow it down by finding a Robert/Robin who is known to have worked with a John, since Little John is also present in the early poems. But all you’re doing there is adding another of the country’s most common names into the mix. A lot of people who fell foul of the law in the thirteenth and fourteenth century were named Robert and John. Roger Godberd is known to have worked with at least two different Johns. Trying to prove that either of them are the John just adds to the challenges, rather than making the task simpler.

  The trouble ultimately is that we’ll never know. Unless eventually we find a court scroll that says “Hey guys, this was Robin Hood, trust me on this, here’s a picture to back it up.” At some point we either need to pick our favoured candidate and stop looking, or simply give up wondering at all. There’s a large dollop of faith involved. (There are a couple of potential ‘smoking gun’ pieces of evidence that I’m skipping over here, in showman style, to return to in a future entry.)

  For my part, I have picked my candidate. And it’s a combination of a few different approaches above. I’ll return to that in a later post. For today I wanted, much like my thoughts of Rutland, to speculate out loud about a couple of historical Roberts. At this point I don’t back either of them as the Robert, but still think they’re worth investigation.

Son of Robin Hood. 

In a 1264 memoranda roll there is a reference to a criminal named William, son of Robert Le Fevre (meaning Smith, basically. William, son of Robert Smith.) By the following year, the same person is entered in the scroll as William Robehood. Most discussion about this entry -led by JC Holt who should always be taken as one of the main authorities on Hood- see this as proof that the name Robin Hood was already established as a criminal alias by 1265, and that a court cleric was amending William’s name to say he was a figurative son of Robin Hood, in effect changing the entry to “William, criminal.” But I can’t help wonder if there’s something a little more literal at play here. We know William’s father was name Robert, and we know a cleric amended the entry to say William’s family name was Robehood. And I think it’s worth trying to find out more about this Robert Le Fevre, because what if this scroll is telling us, and has been telling us all along, that William was the son of Robin Hood. A smith would qualify as a yeoman in many definitions of the term, and to be the father of an adult son in the 1260’s we’d be looking at someone who could have been active himself as outlaw anywhere from the 1230’s up. Was Robert Le Fevre Robin Hood?

 

Breaking the (Forest) Law. 

 As I mentioned in my previous post, the term ‘royal forest’ was a legal definition, not a reference to dense woodland. A royal forest was an area covered by forest law, which was a distinct set of rules to everywhere else. The law was enforced by foresters. In Sherwood, the title of forester was hereditary, and passed down through birth and marriage to a man named Robert de Everingham who, at some point early in Edward the First’s reign, fell afoul of the law himself and had his title stripped away. There is a record of a later pardon for both Robert and his brother, John. It’s just another in a long line of historical coincidences and guessing games, but we have two people of the right name, outlawed for offences in Sherwood, under the reign of an Edward, and then later pardoned. Maybe, just maybe…

Random Thoughts on Robin Hood: Part One - Location.

Those who know me will know I have a low-level obsession with the myth of Robin Hood. I have threatened many times over the years to write a novel, and, though I think i’ve talked myself out of it (for reasons that will become clear at the end of this series) I’ve put in a lot of time researching the subject. In this series of blogs, I’m going to throw out a few of my random thoughts. Some of them will be thoroughly cited, others will be loose ideas. I’ll end the series by outlining my current working theory on the identity of the real Robin Hood.

And it’s worth pointing out that I’m not a qualified historian. All of the research I do is in service of finding a story, not a fact. We’ll never know any of this for sure. If in doubt, I always recommend you consult a doctor about that rash, and a historian about the past.

Today, a question about location….

Not in Nottingham?

 Of the many controversies, complications, and contradictions of the Robin Hood myth, few remain as contentious as the location. The earliest surviving poems and ballads are split between Barnsdale and Sherwood, while the Sheriff involved always seems to be that of Nottingham, the religious figures often seem to hail from Yorkshire. And while Barnsdale Wood wasn’t all that far from the northern tip of Sherwood in medieval times, it was still a relatively lengthy ride from Nottingham. Barnsdale was never a royal forest, and hunting in it wouldn’t have broken forest law. Barnsdale Wood was much smaller than Sherwood Forest, and not as densely wooded. But at the same time, the term ‘royal forest’ has led to the romantic misconception that Sherwood itself was one large unbroken woodland. A royal forest was simply an area covered by forest law. Sherwood was a large forest, but its borders contained woodland, chases, open fields, and settlements.

A lot of effort has gone into stitching the two different locations together into one unified story, with Robin generally hailing from Yorkshire and operating in both Barnsdale and Sherwood, before drawing the ire of the Sheriff of Nottingham. And there’s no real problem with that. It works. There are details in the surviving earliest ballad (such as mentions of Wentbridge) that seem to confirm the Barnsdale in question to be the one in Yorkshire. In addition, as Loxley became linked to Robin’s background, it was assumed to be the village in Yorkshire, and Little John became associated with Hathersage. Another key location in the ballad is the castle that Robin and John take refuge at, under the protection of Sir Richard at the/of the Lee/Ley. Much work has gone into locating possible contenders for this castle in both Yorkshire and Nottinghamshire, with the one general proviso being that it should be rideable from Nottingham Castle. There remains today some tension between people of southern Yorkshire and Nottingham as to which of them get to claim the world’s most famous outlaw as their own. 

 But I have some questions about both. Ultimately, the ballads and poems are both brilliant and terrible evidence. They tell us that Robin Hood was firmly established as a folk hero by the mid-1400’s -when the two earliest surviving poems are sourced- and they’re a great slice of social history. They tell us what the people who were sharing these stories cared about, who they saw as heroes and villains. And they’s also far closer to the source than anything else we have, in terms of a narrative. Someone telling the tale of Robin Hood in the mid-1400’s is simply closer to the ‘real events’ than someone telling the tale now. But at the same time, they’re still likely over a century removed from anything resembling the real inspiration of the events, if not two. And so all they tell us for certain is that the person who wrote these stories down, or the person singing the ballad as it was transcribed, was familiar with the Barnsdale of Yorkshire, and its surrounding area.

There is another Barnsdale. It’s only 30 miles south of Nottingham, compared to the 50 miles north of the Yorkshire Barnsdale. Twenty miles isn’t much of a difference by car, but in the thirteenth century it would have been far more significant.

This Barnsdale was part of the large royal forest that covered half of Rutland. And it was near to the old north road. Something I’ve always taken for granted in the Robin Hood myth is that the old north road- Ermine Street- ran through Nottingham on the way to York. And this was why Sherwood became such a frequent haunt for thieves. However, everything I’ve looked at so far suggests that Ermine Street missed Nottingham out completely, running up through Lincoln before taking one of two different routes -depending on the weather and season- to York. Watling Street ran from Dover through London and then up across England, through modern Manchester. There was an offshoot from Watling Street that turned north, passed Nottingham and the edge of Sherwood, to Lincoln. Nottingham was an important location, of course. Of strategic importance, sitting in the middle of the country. That’s why successive Kings spent so much money developing the castle, and why key sieges and battles were staged there. But if you were riding north from London there was no need to go anywhere near Sherwood. Both Barnsdales were closer to Ermine Street than Sherwood was. An outlaw who wanted to steal from people riding north from London might be well placed to spring their attack in Rutland. Beat the competition.

The possibility that Rutland’s Barnsdale was worth looking at was first raised by Dr Stephen Knight. It was pretty quickly dismissed on the basis that it wasn’t known as Barnsdale in the thirteenth century. Back then it was called Bernard’s Hill, and the name became corrupted over time. But to me, the question doesn’t need to be whether it was called Barnsdale at the time of the original events, it only needs to have been called Barnsdale by the time of the poems and ballads. 

 I first started looking at the Rutland link with an eye to setting a novel there. My bold different take would be to move the story…a few miles south. But the more I read up on the shire, the more coincidental links I could see. Bear in mind, of course, this was as a novelist looking for ways to tie a narrative together, not as a historian researching facts. Through the work of the Rutland Record Society I found thirteenth century references to an area within the royal forest known as ‘The Shire Wood,’ which is believed to have been in the south of the shire, between Barrowden and Tixover. Looking to the north of the Shire Wood, we find St Mary Church in South Luffenham. The early stories of Robin Hood linked him with visits to a shrine or church dedicated to Saint Mary, though it’s usually assumed to be in Nottingham. So here we have a Barnsdale, a Shire Wood, and a church dedicated to Mary, all within easy riding distance of each other, and all covered by forest law. 

There’s more. Another pointless historical coincidence to throw into the pile. As I said earlier, one of the puzzle pieces that researchers tend to focus on is the Knight, Sir Richard at the Lee. In the ballad, Sir Richard shelters Robin and John as they flee the Sheriff, protecting them at his castle. The castle itself is described as moated and with a large wall. Finding this castle -and Knight- would help to locate the original source of the legend, as it needs to be within easy riding distance of wherever Robin escaped from, and would give an approximate date for the events.

Leighfield is a civil parish in the west of Rutland. The name comes from the large wood that used to cover that part of the shire, which itself was also contained within the royal forest. There are two former motte and Bailey castle’s nearby. The first, Sauvey Castle, is in Leicestershire, at what would originally have been the western edge of Leighfield/Leyfield/Leefield Forest, is the remains of a thirteenth century castle, with hints of a moat. The second -and more interesting- is at Beaumont Chase, which would have been either within Leighfield or immediately south of it, and shows signs of two baileys. More is known about Sauvey, there are records for who held it, and we know it was mostly used during the thirteenth century as a base for foresters. Less is known about Beaumont Chase, leaving more room for shameless speculation. Neither of them would be a fast ride from Nottingham Castle -though they are closer than the Yorkshire suggestions- but would be easy to get to from Rutland’s seat of justice at Oakham Castle, and not all that far from, say, Rockingham Castle to the south. Over the other side of the shire, just north of Casterton, are the large remains of another moated medieval castle, which was in the hands of the Grelley family in the thirteenth century.

So now we have a Barnsdale, a Shire Wood, two contenders for the Lee/Ley/Leighname and three contenders for the castle, all within a short ride of each other, and all within hiding distance of the old north road.

60 miles West of Rutland -a long ride, but not much different to the distance between Nottingham and Barnsdale- lies the ancient village of Loxley, in Staffordshire. It was in the Domesday book, and certainly existed during the reigns of Richard, John, Henry, and Edward. This Loxley came under the control of the de Ferrers family, who also hand holdings and close social ties to Rutland. Key members of the de Ferrers family were involved in rebellions against the crown at different points in history. You could say they made a habit of it. (I’ll return to them later…)

It’s possible to lay all of these place names and connections out and see a version of the story that could be told without ever venturing north to either Nottinghamshire or Yorkshire. And, while none of this should be seen as proof of anything at all, is it impossible to think the myths of a small area could be stolen over time by a much larger neighbour? It’s also worth noting that, though Rutland is it’s own shire now, at times over the centuries it has been linked -in whole or part- to both Leicestershire and Nottinghamshire. It’s entirely possible that, at the time the events were taking place, Rutland was considered to be the southern tip of Nottingham. So they weren’t even really stealing the story from someone else…

As it stands right now, I’ve come round the the idea that there is a historical basis for the myth, and one which does include Sherwood and Nottingham. I don’t believe these Rutland connections to be anything more than a random collection of interesting coincidences, and an interesting setting for a novel. But if I had the time and resources, I would put some work into digging deeper into the history of the shire, just to be sure…

Tweeting Up A Storm.

In light of recent events in crime fiction, and the ongoing conversations about abuse and harassment, I tweeted a thread tonight about my time on the board at Bouchercon. Twitter being twitter, the thread got all messed up for many people, and I’ve had a few requests to post the information in one place.

So this isn’t a coherent blog post, I’m simply copying and pasting my tweets. I may return to it a little later to write something more substantial, but for now, for those who struggled with twitter’s shenanigans, here’s the thread….

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Okay. One more Bouchercon thread for the day. You with me? Bored? Already asleep? Any and all answers are fine. I'm freestyling this. Let's talk 2016/17, harassment policy, and why it became hard to do.

 

The reason I wanted ON the board in the first place was to get a harassment policy written and implemented. This isn't too centre myself in the story, just to add context to why I talk about this. Erin Mitchell was the person who suggested I run for the board....

 

....partly because she had attempted to get a policy adopted before (Long Beach, I believe) and still talked about it needing to be done. So, cool, right? Allies on the board, commitment to the issue. This will be easy.

 

What happened next is, in large part, why the next six months of my life made me fucking ill, and also has a bearing on why even to this day the organisation keeps staying silent on such issues.

 

EM reported to the board that she had taken legal advice (no names disclosed or documents shown) saying that any policy, with or without 'enforcement', would make every member of the board PERSONALLY legally liable.

 

That’s a big thing to scare people with. Never mind that the LL in LLC stands for LIMITED LIABILITY or that Bouchercon had liability insurance covering the board members. People were now scared.

 

Never mind that those of us in favour could -and did- point to examples of organisations far far smaller than Bouchercon, with fewer resources, who had policies. And could point to policies both with and without 'enforcement' or 'teeth.'

 

Fundamentally, a lot of people were told, and told again and again and again, that they would be PERSONALLY LEGALLY LIABLE for the repercussions not only if Bouchercon asked a specific guy to stop being a dick, but also if Bouchercon politely said generally nobody should be dicks

 

Now, even putting morality aside, sticking to the legal arguments, this simply did not stack up against the potential liability if the worst case happened and it transpired Bouchercon had looked at the idea and decided not to adopt any policy at all.

 

The policy as it exists had a couple of authors. I really want to credit someone who did a lot of good work, but it feels wrong to name 'em without their consent, when they're still doing work in the crime fiction community. Just know...there were people doing good work.

 

the policy as it exists is also pretty vague and bland. The idea being, now that SOMEONE had scared everyone into thinking their lives would be ruined if we even looked in the direction of the word 'harassment' in the dictionary, adopt something small, get it approved...

 

THEN start making the case to IMPROVE it as an existing policy, which is less scary than convincing 17 people to back a brand-new policy on a hot button topic.

 

That other industries, other genres, other professional communities CONTINUE to be years ahead of crime fiction on this issue is now past embarrassing and into wilfully negligent. That Bcon had these discussions in 2016 and WE ARE STILL NOT ANY SAFER is unforgivable.

 

As a fun aside, the same person who scared the board off the issue, also told us that one woman who reported abuse had misunderstood the situation and tried to get me to have a Facebook messenger conversation with the accused author to hear him out.

 

Same person also said, when a female author spoke up about abuse, that the author was only doing it to sell books.

 

There are also some basic, easy, practical workaround to concerns about 'enforcement', if you insist on having them. Every venue a convention like Bouchercon uses, in the modern day, will already have its own harassment policy and THEY are clearly not too scared to use it...

 

So all you need do, as a detail-minded and conscientious organiser using their space is ask for their policy and follow it.

 

Th3re are a million different tangents and stories. There are people to credit with good work, people to call out for shitty bad faith behaviour. But really, I think this "legal" argument was something people needed to know in light of >

 

> this issue being debated again. I see it already in Facebook comments. It's like an election cycle, the same people saying the same things as they did on the last go-round. People need to know this conversation has been had, and we need to move beyond it.

 

It's 2020. It'll be 2021 when the convention circuit starts up again. Your job, conventions, is to keep your attendees safe. If you can't do it, you're not fit for purpose, and shouldn't hold the convention. And bad faith people in our community need to be called out.

 

I didn't quit the board solely because of this. That would be misleading. There was another issue too. But it was this one that had left me unable to handle the other one.

 

I didn't speak up publicly. And fuck, do I regret that now. At the time I had concerns -given the nature of harassment/abuse discussions- that speaking upon would be to co-opt other people’s trauma, centre myself in a story that wasn't about me. But honestly?...

 

I should have shouted all of this from the rooftops the MINUTE I was done. Maybe we could have had an important public conversation earlier.